Both sides of a war want to claim that their causes are just.

I plan to publish re article in Inyan magazine, a subsidiary of Hamodia, an orthodox Jewish newspaper with a very large circulation worldwide. In the course of interviewing her I became interested in Lida in general-- but more importantly, I NEED good pics of prewar Lida. The ones you uploaded are great, but they download in very low res. If you can send those very same pictures to me by email, I would be so appreciative. You've done some really monumental work btw...

à Rally effect can occur regardless of a Diversionary theory.

They frame the war aims as ‘just’ to achieve support of the public and the international community.

military actions since the end of the Cold War.

Classic work on power transitions and war, inspired extended literature testing main hypothesis that rising states most likely to initiate war when reach power parity with formerly dominant states. An alternative approach to the key question of how the power shift dynamic in world politics creates conditions for war.

Diversionary foreign policy - Wikipedia

An analysis of Russia’ public support for the war and the increasing support for Putin’s conduct of the war are hardly circumstantial. A correlation can be made between the initial Russian response to the Dagestan incursion in August 1999 to the significant increase in public support for Putin. As Figure 1 show prior to the invasion of Chechnya in October 1999, Putin’s overall performance in August of that year sits at 3%. Following the series of apartment buildings in Moscow and Volgodansk in September 1999 that what seemed to be the Russian government’s pre-text to invasion, support for Putin rose dramatically to 79%--a significant increase for a relatively unknown politician.

This article uses a modified “most likely” case study research design to test the hypothesis.
"The Limits of Diversion: Rethinking Internal and External Conflict" Security Studies 19.2 (2010).

The Diversionary Theory of War (was: Re ..

I am a member of Jewish Gen and of the Belarus SIG. I am writing to inquire whether it is possible to know if my grandfather’s sister lived in Postavy and if she perished in the Holocaust. Sadly, I never learned her name, but my grandfather, whom I knew well, was named Gutman Todrin and was born in Orsha, then Russian Empire, now Belarus. On his arrival documents at Ellis Island, in 1906, it indicates that his last known address was in “Postav.” As a young child I asked him about siblings and he said he had a sister, but didn’t hear from her after the war. Since his birth town was Orsha (I found that in Naturalization papers and also from Alexander Beider reference to that unusual name coming only from that town), but he apparently lived in Postavy prior to coming to the U.S. I wonder if there is any way I find if there is a listing of a female resident of Postavy whose maiden name was Todrin, probably married with another surname, who died in the Shoah?

First is the common assumption that major powers are the only actors capable of diversion.

Diversionary War and Argentina's Invasion of the …

In 1917 a man by the name of Alter Bobrow, together with his friends
from a Zionist Socialist Group, helped establish three Pinsk
orphanages in the devastated city. They were supported by the North
American Joint Distribution Committee. Pinsk, a border town during the
Great War (1914-1918) was devastated in the battles between advancing
and retreating German and Russian soldiers.

It is a travesty of history ever to say that America was forced into the war.

effects+ The diversionary war hypothesis suggests that ..

There were various and distinct reaction from the republic regarding Chechnya. The most significant divergence is the case of Dagestan, which resembles Chechnya ethnically, economically and shares the same religious orientation. Both share adherence to Islamic Sufi movement and influences; social structures are loosely organize around extended clans and groupings of villages; and both are economically the poorest of the eighty nine subjects of the federation being ranked 88th and 89th respectively. Yet despite the obvious similarities Dagestan chose not to pursue the Chechen path. Such failure is attributed to both historical and sociological factors. Dagestan lacks the historical experience of Chechnya in relation to Russia. Dagestan did not suffer the same mass deportation as Chechens did, thus lacking Chechnya’s traditional strong opposition to Moscow. In addition, Dagestan is not ethnically homogenous as Chechnya. Its population is fragmented to 700 villages with 34 ethnic groups making it both linguistically and ethnically diverse. Furthermore, the social organization of both Chechnya and Dagestan significantly differs from one another. Chechnya’s membership, which base itself on loyalty and clan allegiance, is a more cohesive social and political unit than Dagestan’s which transcends blood relations and functions more or less like an ancient city states. Dagestan’s were retained and functioned well within the Soviet political system. Thus, Dagestan, which lacks the hostile opposition to Russian rule, possess more loyalty to Russia compared to Chechnya. Such different social attitude toward Russia would explain the more pro-Russian reaction of Dagestan in the wake of the incursion precipitated by Chechen leader Shamil Basayev and Khattab in August of 1999. The success of the Russian military in responding to the attacks was due in part to the opposition from local Dagestani villagers who welcomed Russian military support.